Dissonant architecture during Hoxha’regime
The urban and architectural landscape of contemporary Albania was profoundly shaped by the tenets of communist political ideology. Most crucially, the built environment reflects the isolation, governmental control, and oppressive power characterizing Hoxha's regime. This architectural legacy can be categorized into four distinct eras, each representing pivotal moments in the nation's history throughout the dictatorship.
Though Albania had no communist party prior to World War II and no populist base advocating communist ideology, the newly-formed communist party dominated the post-war Albanian landscape in large part because, under the auspices of fighting fascist powers, the communists effectively waged a civil war against their political opposition. By time the war ended, the Albanian communist party had the double benefit of military conquest of its domestic political opposition and the wide-spread celebration of the role Eastern European and Russian communists had played in defeating fascism and the axis powers Immediately following 1944, the nation rode the coattails of the Soviet Union and restructured its economic, cultural, and political frameworks according to Soviet models. This both reinforced connections with the Soviet Union and distanced Albania from the influences of Western Europe. The initial months following the war were marked by a systematic effort by communist forces to exert control over every facet of life within the liberated nation.
On March 1, 1945, barely 4 months after World War II officially ended, the populace of Tirana witnessed the an especially brutal mechanism of state control: the inaugural communist show trial in Albania that launched the reign of state terror. For this show trial, the cinema-theatre, popularly known as the Kosovo cinema-theater, was repurposed as a courthouse and a “Special Court” established. In the seats of this theater-turned-show-trail, more than 1300 individuals were spectators to the new apparatus of power in a state that used terror to consolidate its power and control the people. For 44 days, the people watched as intellectuals and members of the opposition politically parties were pilloried; by the end of the show trial, most had been sentenced to prison, their entire families expropriated and sent to the gulags. 17 of Albania’s leading intellectuals and political leaders were executed the day the verdict was given.
The new social order that arose under the brutal oppression of communist governance brought with it new institutions and practices as well as a constant battle with the social order and architectures that has preceded it. Against the new communist state, the legacy of the "old" – the Ottoman Empire, the brief reign of monarchy, the fascist occupation - was systematically destroyed. The state expropriated, without compensation, the private property and wealth of the pre-war elite, forcibly evicted homeowners and seized homes, businesses, assets. In the new social order, only the state could own property. Marketplaces and other private businesses had their buildings damaged or destroyed, forcing them to relocate.
Concomitant with destroying the architectural heritage and historical narratives of the old order, the state constructed a new national narrative. Over 28,000 partisans were recognized as martyrs in the struggle for national liberation. Furthermore, the state created various designations, sculptures, obelisks, and memorials throughout the nation to simultaneously honor the victims of war and celebrate the triumph of the communists, thereby reinforcing the prevailing narrative of the regime. These architectural entities signify the foundational stratum of the regime's legacy. Following the collapse of the communist dictatorship, communist architectures and narratives suffered the same fate as those of the pre-communist period: in its quest to create a “new” era, post-communist ideologies systematically destroyed the landscape of communism that preceded it. The majority of this cultural heritage thus has been lost to time, with only a select few remnants preserved within museum walls.
Dissonant architecture tells the story of these shifts in power structures and political ideologies, and the battles over meaning that remain in the wake battles for political and economic control of the nation. The preservation of artifacts, the act of commemoration, and the monumentalisation of periods that are demonized as “enemy” and “other” in the current political period continue to evoke controversy, exposing the dissonance between dominant and subaltern voices, between past and present, between generations. The architectures speaking this historical dissonance have thus, aptly, been classified as dissonant architecture.
The following strata of dissonant architecture materialized during Albania's period of Soviet affiliation. The relationship with the Soviet Union commenced in 1948, and was formally concluded in 1961. The crisis intensified post-1956, as Soviet leader Khrushchev initiated de-Stalinization, a move that drew criticism from Hoxha, who subsequently aligned himself with Mao’s China. Over the course of thirteen years characterized by ostensibly "good relations," the political landscape influenced by Stalinism profoundly molded Albania's cultural expressions and architectural endeavors. An illustrative instance is the architectural building known as the Palace of Culture, situated in the heart of Tirana. The local population continues in considering this structure as “cursed,” as it symbolizes violence, devastation, and the appropriation of private property without compensation.
In order to promote the Stalinist narrative and cultivate ideological beliefs, Hoxha's regime instituted theaters, cinemas, and public screens in every Albanian town. In this period of cultural transformation, Albania experienced its most challenging moment since the Second World War. A novel conflict arose, characterized by an opposition to religion, wherein God was positioned as an enemy. The objective was to ensure that individuals adhered solely to the communist party, which positioned itself as both a maternal and paternal figure for every Albanian. In the course of its confrontations with religious ideologies, Hoxha's communist regime systematically obliterated countless artifacts. In an effort to obliterate the cultural heritage, religious edifices, including Muslim and Bektashi mosques as well as Christian and Orthodox churches, were burned down and demolished, while religious leaders faced imprisonment.
Following the cessation of friendly relations with Moscow in 1961, China emerged as Albania's principal ally, safeguarding it from diplomatic isolation subsequent to the rift with the USSR. From the early 1960s until 1978, China provided economic and military assistance to Albania. This collaboration was of paramount importance for Albania, particularly in terms of its economic and political landscape. The regime sought to transform the nation through industrialization, constructing roads, railways, and industrial complexes. In this endeavor, China extended financial assistance, military resources, technological support, and infrastructure development, encompassing factories, plants, and various industrial facilities. Today, this industrial legacy — mostly destroyed, with the dead husks and carcasses of abandoned and ravaged factories haunting the nation — is scattered both within and beyond urban landscapes and evokes the remnants of what was envisioned as the “Industrial Giant.”
The 1980s —the final years of the Hoxha regime, a period marked by pervasive hunger and scarcity — were distinguished by the creation of numerous exemplary architectural works in the center of the capital. During that period, a number of edifices were erected, such as the Tirana Hotel, the Tirana National Museum, the Palace of Congresses, and the Pyramid of Enver Hoxha. The newly established architectural landmarks sought to exalt the regime, employing the boulevard of Tirana as a means of political expression. This exaltation echoes across the years as the defiant scream of a dying power; shortly after the dictator died in 1985, the country entered the concluding phase of the authoritarian regime and began to unravel.
Rethinking cultural identity and memory through dissonant architecture
Aldo Rossi, the renowned Italian architect and philosopher, believes that cities serve as repositories for memories for all. Every urban form and building possess a historical significance and narrative that unites individuals from the past, present, and future. Rossi underscores the significance of safeguarding architectural history, not only for its aesthetic value but also for the preservation of cultural continuity and identity in cities that are constantly evolving.
As we can see the architecture of Albania's communist regime period, carries significant historical weight. In spite of their varied designs and functions, these structures today not only serve as a testament but also encapsulate Albania's profound transition from total seclusion to a state of openness and freedom. The stages elucidate the ways in which architecture serves to influence political dynamics and societal structures, shaping the physical and ideological terrain of Albania. The preservation and rethinking of these historical edifices raises pertinent questions regarding memory, cultural identity, and the ongoing consequences of past injustices in Albania to this day.
During the communist regime, these architectural sites were not merely esthetic or functional structures, they were also potent instruments of propaganda and social control, meticulously crafted to align with and reinforce the communist state's objectives and principles. This deep understanding of the relationship between politics and architecture enhances by the lasting effects of this framework on cultural identity and memory. The intricate relationship between ideology, cultural influence, and social dynamics exemplify by the contradictory nature of communist architecture, which underscores both political and aesthetic components. It is a detailed record of the country's past, and its presence influence the shared memories.
The "Monumentalization" of Albania, which involves the construction of large, unsightly structures, is a potent illustration of how architecture can both reflect and support political ideologies.
As walking inside the pyramid of Enver Hoxha, for the first time after its renewal, I reminded to myself that, each regime that consolidates its power with oppression, someday will fall! Note of the author, 18 june, 2024
The National Theater and the Pyramid of Tirana as vehicles of political power
From the perspective of those who live in and engage with this architecture, its significance mirrors their emotional and social everyday experiences. By analyzing the commodification history of dissonant architecture, we understand how these architectural designs shape the identities, experiences, and knowledge of individuals living under various regimes. The National Theater of Albania and the Pyramid of Tirana, two contrasting examples of dissonant architecture, illustrate the relationship between citizens and the urban landscape, embodying the nation's intricate path in harmonizing its historical legacy with its future aspirations. Both buildings are inextricably linked to specific political regimes, bearing the weight of their labels.
Political stakeholders often refer to the Theater as “a fascist building,” as it was built in the 1930s, during Italy's economic, social, and political influence. Meanwhile, the Pyramid is frequently called “Enver Hoxha's Pyramid,” named after the dictator. The labels define their architectural style, while their “disharmony with the modern” serves as a common denominator despite their individual characteristics.
Originally built as a museum to commemorate Enver Hoxha, the Pyramid of Tirana underwent multiple functional transformations after the regime's fall, reshaping its role in the city. The authorities removed the name “Enver Hoxha,” opening its outdoor and indoor spaces for public use. It hosted various functions, from cultural activities like a national jazz festival, lectures, and theater to serving as an exhibition hall, an international trade fair, a national television, a radio station, and even a NATO base during the Kosovo War (1999). After a failed attempt to adapt it into the national theater, a political debate intensified in 2010 over its demolition or preservation. Advocates for demolition argued it would symbolically “erase Albania's totalitarian past,” proposing the construction of a new parliament symbolizing democracy's victory over authoritarianism. Preservationists argued for its architectural and historical value, emphasizing its role in educating future generations about Albania's history and democratic transition.
Initially proposed for destruction, then followed by a renewal proposal, the building inspired several international architectural competitions, each offering a different approach on how to preserve and transform it. In 2018, MVRDV studio studio received a commission from AADF to “transform the Pyramid of Tirana into a TUMO Centre for Creative Technologies.” The news surprised the public, as no competition or consultation occurred. Despite a lengthy public debate over the nontransparent decision and imposed project, the the proposal itself was successfully delivered. The architect aimed to open the Pyramid for everyone, allowing people to “literally walk over this former museum to the dictator, right to the top of the pyramid,” ensuring broader accessibility, “to make an experience accessible to a wider variety of people”.
The National Theatre, built during the Albanian Monarchy (1928–1939), was located between three important identity landmarks in Tirana: the 19th-century clock tower, symbolizing Tirana; the Toptani traditional house, representing 19th-century vernacular architecture; and the 13th-century Justiniani castle ruins. Italian architect Giulio Berte designed the Theatre as a cinema-theater, part of a larger cultural center within the Italian-Albanian “Skanderbeg” cultural circle. In 2018, the Theatre became a symbol of resistance following news of its imminent demolition. For two years, until the March 2020 COVID-19 lockdown, theater activists organized 65 theatrical events, drawing over 70,000 participants. On May 17, 2020, the last day of the quarantine lockdown, more than a thousand unidentified armed police attacked the National Theater at 4:30 AM, forcibly removing activists in what was later described as “a barbaric act.” The violent operation revived the memory of the totalitarian behaviors of dictatorship.
Viewed through Aldo Rossi's lens, preservation serves as a means to safeguard collective memory and identity within urban spaces. Albania's community and activists’ commitment to preserving and repurposing these landmarks reflects a broader aspiration to educate future generations about democracy, human rights, and the importance of historical consciousness in building a resilient society. Both the National Theater and Pyramid convey as historical landmarks characterizing the dictatorship's construction and destruction. The state still refuses to acknowledge the genocide that occurred within the country; therefore, these locations offer opportunities for restorative commemoration, particularly for persecuted families, who endured oppression, ostracization, dismissal, and neglect.
Each building has contributed to state violence, and recognizing this role can help the country understand terror, repression, surveillance, torture, imprisonment, and propaganda. Both buildings reveal the necessity of addressing painful history rather than closing it, urging the nation to confront its past and heal. Each initiative toward these buildings sought transformation without acceptance, change without embrace, and denial of the past to start a new future—an approach mirroring dictatorship itself.
Albania's complex history and politics make preserving and discussing its dissonant architecture challenging, particularly amid disagreements over history and political responsibility. Post-communist Albania's identity narrative hinges on these conversations.
REFERENCES:
Amy, Lori. “State Terrorism, Psychocultural Trauma, and the White-Washing of Enver Hoxha: A Moral Reckoning with Communist Privilege.” ALBANIA 1990- 2020”- LESSONS LEARNED IN TRANSITION (2021): n. pag. Print.
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Elidor Mëhilli (2017) From Stalin to Mao: Albania and the Socialist World. By. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2017. xvi, 329 pp. Appendix. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Illustrations. Photographs. Tables. Slavic Review. 2019;78(3):808-811. doi:10.1017/slr.2019.237
Graham Foundation for Advanced Studies in the Fine Arts, & Institute for Architecture and Urban Studies. (1982). The architecture of the city ([American edition.]). MIT Press.
Bizarre Communist Pyramid Reborn as Albanian Education Center—Bloomberg. (n.d.). Retrieved June 17, 2024, from https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2020-01-17/bizarre-communist-pyramid-reborn-as-albanian-education-center
Pompejano, F., & Macchioni, E. (2022). Tirana National Theatre: Chronicle of an announced demolition. Journal of Architectural Conservation, 28(2), 71–88. https://doi.org/10.1080/13556207.2022.2061185